Related Text Analysis

1 – Into the Wild shows a man who journey’s through the country in order to find peace and belonging. Christopher McCandless or ‘Alexander Supertramp’ was a man who wished not to conform to the way society was governed, he did no want to be sucked into the depths of technology which has consumed the minds of many people. He only wished to live simply as one would have one thousand years ago. Into the wild strongly relates to the concept of belonging in many ways. In May 1990 McCandless graduates from Emory University with high honors.Instead of doing joining the workforce and being ruled by a world filled with laws he chooses to leave the world he has always know and been affiliated to start a new adventure. He does not tell anybody of his departure, as he wants to take this journey alone. Chris finds happiness and belonging when he reaches the Alaskan wilderness, it consists of no civilization or even signs of civilization apart from the abandon bus that h e finds refuge in. The film shows that although McCandless is greeted by society with open arms, a life that would have been very tempting, he chooses not to conform to the way everyone else lives.Rubric: A sense of belonging can emerge from the connections made with people, places, groups, communities and the larger world. On McCandless’s journey he comes into to contact with many different types of people and communities, from hippies to his fellow worker at a fast food restaurant. He finds many different characters, who have all found their place to belong in society, they have merged to form groups, all with their own ethics and beliefs. Many of these places suit Chris’s lifestyle but he still chooses to venture alone, as he is still unable to find the place where he really feels at home.He meets new people all the time who give him valuable knowledge on life. One occasion in particular is when McCandless encounters Ron Franz, a retired man who served in the United States army. McCandless lives with Ron for a while and Ron teaches him the craft of leatherwork. The pair are different in many ways but somehow formed a very strong bond between each other to the point where Ron offers to adopt him as a grandchild. This shows that a strong sense of belonging emerged through the relationship formed by McCandless and Ron.Another idea about belonging is that even people that are strongly connected to each other often have very different perspectives on belonging. This is seen through McCandless and his father. McCandless doesn’t feel that he belongs when is father makes the decisions for him and tells him what to wear and drive, this creates fear of being judged, he also doesn’t like developing new relationships with people, he does however over come these when he lives out in the wild, meeting new people along the way. – Sean Penn uses many film techniques and language features to help create ideas about belonging. Penn makes it clear that McCandless does not feel that he belongs in the city when he first arrives. It is shown to be a congested, loud and unnatural place. In the first minute after he hops off the train he finds himself having to crawl on his hands and knees under train carriages and drainage pipes. He later decides to walk down the streets late at night, You are able to hear sirens blaring, the streets are also very dirty with rubbish everywhere.Penn used these scenes as a way of representing cities as being dirty and congested, with no room for freedom. This is compared to the Alaskan wilderness that McCandless finally discovers. These scenes are done with many extreme long shots of the nature that surrounds McCandless. One significant example of these is when he stands up on the abandon bus that he had just discovered and yell ‘is there anybody out here? † as loud as he can. This emphasizes the fact that he has found a place where he can live with peace and freedom, he had foun d a place to belong.Another technique used in this film is the narration of Chris’s sister. Through out the movie we are shown how Chris feels and how he changes, but with the narration from his sister it shows us how everyone else is feeling. It shows us what effects of Chris leaving has had on the family. The final technique, probably the most important one, is the use of flashbacks. Penn begins the film with McCandless finally reaching Alaska after his journey across the country comes to and end.The idea that somebodies perspective on belonging can be shaped through new relationships and events is shown though this technique. Every flashback shows McCandless either coming across new characters, new places or experiencing new things. These all shape McCandless’s perspective on belonging. An example of this is when McCandless is talking to Ron after they had just walked up the steep, rocky hill. Ron tell Chris that he will miss him when he has gone, but Chris just rep lies saying that â€Å"you are wrong if you think that the joy of life comes principally from the joy of human relationships. Ron then gives Chris very wise words stating, â€Å"When you forgive, you love. And when you love, God's light shines through you. † McCandless has many other encounters with people who also teach him valuable lessons in life, and by the end of the film, McCandless is left realising that ‘happiness is only real when shared’ rather than thinking that the only way to be happy was to be isolated and alienated from the materialistic society. 3 – Many new ideas about belonging have aroused from ‘Into the Wild’.It is often very hard to find a place to belong, as is the case with McCandless, he meets many different groups and communities but can never find a place where he feels he actually belongs. Belonging isn’t necessarily being apart of a community that shares similar beliefs and ethics, someone may actually find that they belong when they are by themselves or/and indulged in the serenity of nature. Society is built up of laws and rules, meaning the only way to belong are to conform and respect those rules even if you do not entirely think they are right.McCandless finally has enough of obeying the rules that are set out to keep everyone in line. Another key point that is brought through ‘Into the wild’ is that peoples perspective of belonging can change due to certain events, when McCandless first decides to leave his old life behind him he had no intentions of forming friendships with other people, all he wanted to do was get away from society. Over time he began to change his view on society and realized that being alone and isolated isn’t actually what he wanted.But that ‘happiness is only real when shared’, so this is basically saying that he finally understood that he didn’t want to be locked away from the world and that he was only really happy when he helped make his friends happy. 4 – ‘Into the Wild’ can relate to The Crucible through the ideas established about belonging. Chris McCandless can be looked at along side John Proctor in the way that they both choose not to conform to society and both their lives are cut shot due to this.McCandless does not wish to live as everyone else does, he does not want to be a clone to society, all he wants if freedom to do what he wants but his life comes to an early end due to this because he preferred to live in the Alaskan wild instead of living in a stable environment at the comfort of his own bed. Proctor was also a wise, ethical man yet he did not completely agree with the way things were being run in Salem. He could have very easily taken the easy way out and conform to the Ministry’s orders to save his life but he instead chooses to do what he knows is right.Another way that these two texts relate is through the idea that ones perspective one belongi ng can be created and/or changed due to certain events. Chris begins his journey believing the only way he can belong and be happy is to be secluded from the world around him, living disconnected from people in the wild life. But after his many encounter with people he slowly beginning to realise that he can only be happy when helping to create happiness for others. This is similar to Hale in ‘The Crucible’.The story begins with him who believes that the church is always ethical and correct. The church is like his home to him, it is where he belongs. As the story progresses he begins to realise that watch is happening is wrong and yet due to the power of the ministry he has no way to prevent the events that unfold. This drastically changes his perspective on the church and the faith he has believed in for so long, he realises that maybe after all, the church is not where he belongs. Nick Slaven

Pride of Baghdad

Saddam Hussein: The Power is down Pride of Baghdad, drawn by Brian K. Vaughan and Niko Henrichon, tells a story of group of lions escaping from the zoo after the U. S. army starts invading Baghdad. In order to show how cruel consequences that the war brings, the authors try to portray humans by drawing the lions, the bear, and other animals. Due to its gorgeous drawing style and its concise dialogues, the novel only has 100 pages but contains various meanings.In 2003, the Iraq war was triggered because of Hussein's violent suppression on the people, who have their own political views, but also his possession of the large amount of illegal weapons. The novel not only presents the consequence of dictatorship, but also satirizes the interference of U. S. army because the public opinion says that the reason of U. S. involving the war is impure since no evidence has been found to prove that Iraq has weapons of mass destruction. The main purpose of U. S. army invading is the oil resources in Iraq; however, by coincidence, Hussein is on the reign, which causes the U.S. ’s excuse to invade. In this book, the authors stand at Bagdad’s civilians’ point of view to tell the story until they get shot by the U. S. army. More specifically, a fighting scene between the lions and the bear is not interpreted as the surface meaning but is created because the authors want to embody that even though the civilians overthrown the power of Hussein, the U. S. army is the one who eventually takes over their government power and causes the war. The lions and the bear both represent the civilians and Saddam Hussein.Towards almost the end of the story, referring to a specific page, a bear who shows up trying to block the lions’ way to freedom says â€Å"Don’t get up†(where the page’s background is the huge bear standing up with Noor and Safa looking up). The authors purposely creates a giant black bear when the story almost reaches the end t o show the power that Hussein holds during the his presidency. By looking at the expression on the bear’s face, readers can clearly see the anger through its bloody eyes and sharp teeth with opening mouth.The shrewdest part of this graphic novel is its drawing style, using animals to portray humans. Throughout the idea of visual images, when readers first look at the bear, a sense of fear is emitted from its giant black body; however, the lions, comparing the size with the bear, are much weaker. The authors apply not only the visualized details, but also the literal ones in every single character. For instance, the names of the bear and the lions who is prisoned, Fajer and Rashid are both originated from Arabic language, which is also the official language in Iraq.Fajer means wicked and Rashid means rightly guided, which are opposite to each other; however, the justice can’t beat down the evil since Fajer already kills Rashid. According to the previous page, the author s purposely use special-effects lettering, a method of drawing attention to text of highlighting the words, on some of the words while the bear is speaking, â€Å"PET†, â€Å"HIS†, â€Å"FAJER†, and â€Å"MAN†(the page where the bear first shows up with only its eyes and mouth).The â€Å"PET† represents the weakness of the justice under Hussein’s dictatorship, and oppositely, the â€Å"MAN of the house† implies the formidable power that Hussein holds. In addition, in order to describe the difference between good and evil, the authors use graphic weight to focus on the drawing of colors between the bear and lions, which are black and white.Even thought this particular page only contains one panel, it really embodies the representations between the civilians who are under suppressed and Saddam Hussein. Nonetheless, as the story reaches the end, the lions successfully kill the bear, but the U. S. army shot all of the lions. The authors a re trying to indicate the idea of how the civilians play the most important role during the war. Millions of lives are lost because of the war, and most of them are innocent civilians.

Computer Will the cost and power of personal computers continue on the Essay

Computer Will the cost and power of personal computers continue on the current trend - Essay Example Some experts predict that there will be neural – computers in the future. This interface will transmit information between humans and computers directly. As such, humans will be able to interact with computers and communicate with them (Akass, 2008). The cost of personal computer is much less than what it was in the year 1977. Advancement in computer technology has brought about a corresponding reduction in the cost of computers. Moreover, computer hardware developers are attempting to produce a laptop that would be sold for a mere $100 in the near future. Students at the MIT are developing a basic computer that is to be sold for $12. These students are using the technology that was employed in the manufacture of Apple II (The History of the Computer: First PCs and the Future Computer Timeline, 2008). This simple computer is equipped with video – game controls for performing basic functions. The claim of these students is that they are building the computer with a view to making technology available to everyone. All this transpires, because the technology becomes less costly and consequently affordable. This enables manufacturers to produce computers at much lower prices (The History of the Computer: First PCs and the Future Computer Timeline, 2008). A personal computer runs on electrical power. It requires a stable supply of electrical power without any voltage fluctuations to maintain reliability. As such, power supply to personal computers is an important issue, which should not be overlooked. The stability of the PC is dependent on supply of uninterrupted power at the correct voltage. The power converting units in the PC convert AC power input to DC power output and supply it to the various components of the PC (Laing, 2008). The physicist Richard Feynman had proposed the concept of quantum computing twenty – six years ago. This proved to be a

How I'd vote on drilling for oil in our national park system ( against Essay

How I'd vote on drilling for oil in our national park system ( against drilling) - Essay Example From this perspective, there is need to conserve the environment since it has sustained long-term benefits to the society. It is indisputable that the environment has had positive economic contribution to the economy. By sustaining the environment, the government benefits from tourism, which is a major economic contributor (Cato, 2011). Besides, the government can exploit natural resources from the environment, which will contribute to employment and foreign income (Dupler, 2006). Therefore, it remains a dilemma whether the government should focus on environmental conservation or economic development that has short-term drawbacks. When such a situation arises, there is need to conserve the environment as it has long-term benefits rather than exploit the land, which would have short-lived benefits. In situations where there are natural resources within a national park system, such as in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in North East Alaska, there arises the need to evaluate the costs and benefits of either course of action. First, given the increasing cost of oil, exploiting the reservoir will attract high income from exporting oil besides providing employment (ORourke & Sarah, 2003). However, income from tourism, however small, will be lost and the land may be destroyed permanently. Others cost will include soil and air pollution, which have long-term impacts on land and the environment. Besides, on depletion of the non-renewable oil resource, the land will be left to waste (Wiese et al., 2001). From this viewpoint, drilling oil will have long-term costs on the environment and hence this project should be shunned to protect the environment. In conclusion, the government should refrain from drilling oil from the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in North East Alaska. While drilling oil will give the country an economic boost and provide employment, it will lead to

The World's Poorest Countries Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

The World's Poorest Countries - Assignment Example Countries with GDP per capita of $765 or lesser than that are declared to be the poor countries (The 10 poorest countries of the world, n. d) According to International monetary fund and the CIA world factbook, Zimbabwe was declared as the poorest country in the world in the year 2010. The study of the list of poorest country in the world also brings into notice that among the top 10 poorest country in the world, 9 of them are from the region of Africa which reflects the vulnerability of the African region. The table below shows the list of the top 10 poorest countries along with their respective GDP during the year 2010 as declared by the International monitory fund. Countries Annual GDP per- capita (in $) Zimbabwe 0.1 Democratic republic of Congo 334 Liberia 379 Burundi 401 Somalia 600 Niger 736 Eritrea 739 Sierra Leone 747 Afghanistan 800 (Top 10 poorest countries in the world 2010, 2010) Poverty is reigning in most of the countries. The causes underlying the poverty are varied in nature. It is not always the people who are responsible for the predicament. The governments of the country play a major role in framing policies which leads to the successful development, whereas failure from their behalf makes the people suffer for years. The leaders of the developed countries are also responsible as their external influences often make the government of poor countries helpless and results in unequal rules of trade. Structural adjustment has been one of the prime causes of poverty. To attract the investment form the developed nations, poor countries try to reduce the wage structure and provide cheaper resources but ultimately it results in the degradation of the economy and increases the poverty level among the people.... The study of the various socio economic conditions of the poorer nations reveals the fact that the opportunity of free trade is not present in the countries. The important factor required in the success of the free trade lies in the fact that the nations entering into the free trade should possess skills and resource to produce cost effective goods and services with which they can trade with other countries. It has been portrayed that the absence of adequate capital, labor and infrastructure prevails in most of the countries. The paper studies in detail about the various aspects of the poorer countries and studies whether any possibility of free trade exists among the poorer nations. The option of free trade would have definitely helped the countries to recover from their overall financial crisis, but the preliminary requirements of entering into the free trade are absent among the countries as highlighted in the study. It is recommended that the poorer nations should prevent them from entering into the free trade agreements unless and until they have the necessary infrastructure and they improve on their core sectors of the economy. If the countries decide to enter into free trade, it would become much more vulnerable for them instead of helping their situation. However the countries should make a strong effort in improving their conditions so that they are in a position to enter free trade as it will really provide an added advantage to them in the days to come. Help from the developed nations of the wo rld are also required for the promotion of free trade among the poorer nations.

Balanced Score Card Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Balanced Score Card - Essay Example "The aspects that the scorecard contains should be quantifiable or measurable. This is because it would be difficult to interpret something that cannot be measured in the first place." (Metrics, Scorecard, KPI's Measure Tools 2008). It could be seen that although financial parameters are seen as measuring tool of performance, there are now other aspects also which are equally critical in terms of customers, employee satisfactions, innovative methods, quality, quantum of sales, etc. The fundamental truth behind the Balance Score Card is to ensure that " that no single measure can provide a clear performance target or focus attention on all the critical areas of business, they proposed the concept of a Balanced Scorecard as a more sophisticated approach for meeting these shortcomings." (Pienaar & Penzhorn, 2000, pp.202-209). Just as financial ineptitudes could bring down a company, in the present context it is seen that even fall in sales, loss of goodwill, quality issues, etc could spell disaster for the company. at cannot be measured in the first place.

All About Christianity Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

All About Christianity - Research Paper Example Christianity’s sacred literature is called the Bible, which is comprised of the Old Testament and the New Testament. As stated in an online article entitled Overview of Christianity, central to Christian practice is the gathering at church for worship, fellowship, study, and engagement with the world through evangelism and social action (Davis-Stofka). In this paper, we take a close look at Christianity by highlighting on its origin, its history, and its belief system. Indeed, through this holistic research approach, we intend to understand Christianity in a much deeper level by being able understand the various concepts that have shaped its unique views on an Ultimate Creator, on human nature, and on external reality. The origin of Christianity is attributed to the life of Jesus Christ who was born in 4 B.C.E. in a Jewish province called Nazareth. Believed to be the Son of God the Father, Jesus Christ spent his entire human life by doing acts of goodness and by spreading know ledge about God’s plan toward humanity. Aside from Jesus Christ, Christianity is also known to have been deeply influenced by Jewish, Greek, and Roman cultures. Since the first Christians were Jews, their ways of worship included attending the holy temple, reading Jewish scriptures, and adhering to Jewish laws and customs. As Jewish Christians spread to Mediterranean provinces in Rome, they were able to proselytize the Greek-speaking Gentiles. Through this, Greek intellectual culture was infused into the core of Christianity. The belief on the supremacy of logic helped in the development of philosophical explanations of the Christian faith. Likewise, it is the model of Roman political organization that formed the hierarchical system in Christianity—wherein the pope is deemed to be the religious leader, followed by the archbishops, bishops, and priests. Lastly, Christian scriptures, as contained in the bible, play a vital role in the foundation of Christianity. The bibl e, which comes from the Latin ‘biblia’ that means ‘books’, is composed of the Old Testament and the New Testament. The Jewish scriptures make up the Old Testament while the twenty seven manuscripts from the apostles complete the New Testament. As further noted in Overview of Christianity, the bible has been published into 2,000 languages and is regarded as the largest selling book of all time (Davis-Stofka). The history of Christianity can be viewed in two parts. Firstly, the early developments of Christianity from 2nd to 4th century C.E. were marked by intense persecution and identity creation. The persecution of Christians was primarily driven by their refusal to honor the roman emperors as god-like figures, since they considered it as an act of idolatry. As punishment to their disloyalty, majority of the early Christians were tortured and killed during the reign of Emperors Domitian in 81-96 C.E., Marcus Aurelius in 161-180 C.E., and Decius in 249-251 C. E. The persecutions, however, did not stop the spread of Christianity. In fact, more people got converted through the hospitality and philanthropy of the early Christians, as evidenced by their establishment of social networks that cared for the poor, the widows, and the orphans. Indeed, it is Christianity’s emphasis on communal life and social generosity that attracted religious conversions. As the Christian fait

Contrast and Compare Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper with Gioto de Essay

Contrast and Compare Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper with Gioto de Bondones The Mourning of Christ - Essay Example They presented the men and women in the solemn garb of the Roma forum. Both artists believe that God, His Divine Son, the Blessed Virgin and all the saints are men and women of the noblest physical and moral type. The Florence of Giotto's time was a little city with 100,000 inhabitants. The Florentine artist of his time is also a poet, a thinker, a sculptor and an architect aside from being a painter. The painters joined the guild of druggists who were their color makers. When a patron wanted a painting, he went to the painter's shop and ordered it, specifying the subject and the treatment that he wanted. A wealthy Florentine would naturally want to invest in a fresco. In comparison, the Florence of Leonardo's time was also very prosperous. Florence began the fifteenth century free from foreign domination and relieved from the dangers of Milan after the end of the war of 1402. The Platonic Academy was formed after the Council of Ferrara-Florence in 1439. The Medici family of merchants and bankers rises to power in Florence in the 15th century. Although no member of the family holds an official title until the sixteenth century, the Medicis' enormous wealth and influence grant them virtual rule of Florence. The family dominated the political, commercial, and cultural life of the city. It is under their patronage that Florence becomes a center of humanist learning and the seat of a tremendous flourishing of the arts. Although both artists engaged in fresco painting, their styles are very distinct from one another. For instance, with regard to its subject the theme, the "Last Supper" may be divided into two distinct movements: the institution of the Sacrament and the "Unus vestrum". Leonardo has chosen the moment at which Christ declares that there is a traitor in the company. He chose to highlight the effect of a speech on twelve persons on twelve different temperaments: a single ray and twelve reflections. The subject has been well analyzed by Goethe. It is clear that in a"seated" drama of which the subject is interior disquiet, surprise, anguish, it suffices to show the persons at half length; busts, face, and hands suffice to manifest the moral emotion; the table with its damask cloth by almost completely concealing the lower limbs offered the ingenious artist a resource which he knew how to use. Leonardo divided his actors into two groups, two on each side of Christ, and he linked these grou ps in order to project a certain continuity, animated by a single movement. The whole painting is like the successive undulations of a vast wave of emotions. The fatal word uttered by Christ who is seated at the middle of the table produces a tumult which symmetrically repels and agitates the two nearest groups and which lapses as it is communicated to the two groups farther removed. The intimate composition of each group is wonderful. The emotions of stupefaction, sorrow, indignation, denial, vengeance and the variety of expression which the painter has gathered together in this picture shows the depth of the analysis, the veracity of the types and physiognomies, the power and the accumulation of contrasts. Each head is the "monograph" of a human passion, a plate of moral anatomy. Giotto's method is completely different.

Precis Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Precis - Article Example Experts are still on progress to analyze the effects a terror activity can cause to the global world. They have taken the World Trade Centre attack as the epicenter. Therefore it is of utmost importance to judge the importance of international terrorism in the arena of globalization. The population is driven rapidly in as circle of shock which seems to have fatal psychological effects on the civil society. The effects may not have direct economic effects but the arising panic have the potential to destabilize the economy dramatically. The anticipation regarding a terrorist attack can also play a part in short term behavior of the market. In addition huge costs are associated with the reconstruction and insurance of the casualties of terrorist attacks. The construction costs heaped to a huge amount as estimated some of the eminent concerns after the 2011 attack on US. The international terrorist activity has double impact on the economy. It can have short and medium term effects. The terrorist groups are used to collect funds from criminal enterprises, unregulated banking system and also through a network of charitable organizations. Some states are involved in funding the terrorist groups indirectly. They provide logistics as well as financial support to those groups. They position their finances in such a fashion that one cannot find unlawful activities and appears to be legitimate spending. The terrorist groups use multiple methods of fund transfer which makes it difficult to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate transfer. An array of criminal activities also serves the purpose of funding for the groups. A significant portion of remittance from drug trafficking is generated only for the purpose of transferring the amounts to fund the terrorist activities. The operation of the terrorist activities within the globalized era is striking. For about a decade now, terrorism has become

The music video of Michael Jackson Essay Example for Free

The music video of Michael Jackson Essay The music video of Michael Jackson named Billie Jean maybe considered as one of the best solos written by the great artist. The song was part of the multi platinum selling 1982 album ‘Thriller’. It was produced and written by the artist himself and he believed that the song would be a hit from the beginning. He even quarreled with the producer about including it in the album. He put up a fight with his producer Quincy to keep it in the album. The song was included in the album ‘Thriller’ and became one of the well known ones in the group. The presentation mainly features Jackson being followed by another person who is conceivably a detective of some sort who tries to record some proof about the relationship of MJ with a girl. As usual the whole video is shrouded in an aura of the supernatural and the singer is exalted to another plane beyond that of mortals. This cannot be counted as anything extraordinary, as the technique is employed only to keep the attention of the viewer glued to the screen. The Analysis of Billie Jean The song itself is named after a girl. The girl, according to MJ, is a model of girls called groupies. Groupies, who hung around back stage doors, loved performing artists, and followed them around on their tours. Such girls often suffered setbacks and were prone to drug addiction and mental instability. The song starts with MJ praising the beauty of the girl, but the mood of the singer in the video is rather gloomy. There is a private detective following him, from what follows, maybe he is trying pick up some piece of evidence. The lyrics ooze out the sympathy of the singer to the girl and the video shows him slipping from the person following him. The first feel that you get when you watch the video is the sad mood of the song as well as the lyrics. It goes without mention that the solo is rather in empathy with the girl in the poem. It is seems as if Jackson was sad that he had broken somebody’s heart. But at the same time he is rough with the rough. He traps the person who tries to trap him, maybe a paparazzi of some sort. The video depicts Jackson endowed with the supernatural, as in many of his other videos. It starts in a shady part of the town, being changed by the presence of the singer. The setting suits the mood of the poem and indicates the gutters in which MJ’s imagined lover lives. His steps are marked by light and he exudes kindness in his actions and gestures. He is followed by the detective (or reporter) who tries to be inconspicuous. After this a newspaper that shows ‘Billy Jean Scandal’ written on it is shown falling from the hands of the detective, which puts us directly in the middle of the scandal that Jackson faced a short while before the video was made. The lighting up of the steps, the sudden alteration that happens to the man who is given a penny by Jackson, his disappearing act twice in the video, all give it an appearance of the majestic presence and prowess of the singer. It is a device used by the icon in many of his songs and this cannot be seen as something calculated to make him a mythical icon or something equivalent. MJ was the first among many who successfully utilized short videos to convey a strong background to the song and dance, thus keeping the audience spellbound. The video is made to suit the lyrics and it is the lyrics that clearly get the upper hand during the song. Without such powerful lyrics the song may not have become such a hit. The best reason for this assumption is that the lyrics could stand alone, but the video could not stand alone and a viewer would not be able to make heads or tails out of it. â€Å"But the kid is not my son†¦Ã¢â‚¬ is a very powerful phrase oft quoted within the lines in the poem. Then the newspaper headline ‘Billie Jean Scandal’ clarifies only with the â€Å"She says I am the one†¦.. †. At first it is a sign of negation, but later on the tone changes, that though he sounds to be sympathetic, he is also saying that he has done nothing wrong. It is as if the singer was laying out his innocence as well as his competence to deal with the traps before the audience. I feel that we should consider the fact that MJ was also a partner in the production apart from Quincy who produced the video. Jackson’s experience with the groupie an year back could have controlled the way he produced the video. If this was an outburst, he would have certainly left some clues within the video, even while negating it before the public. The clues would be there, for those who knew where to look for them. We find that the experience was personal and reflected in the video, under close scrutiny. The girl on bed whom Jackson is photographed with, by the detective is anonymous. We should read this together with â€Å"the kid is not my son†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . He never negates what the girl was to him. His approach to the girl is sad and thoughtful and not menacing. The video is also sympathetic with the girl, because he approaches her in the bed. ( It could also be that it was done to trap the detective, so that the he could be trapped by the police). MJ uses several techniques in the video to make it convey the mythical image of the hero. The steps he take is always lighting up. Even the pillar he leans on lights up. Once when the detective tries to catch him he just disappears. The lighting up technique is later used to show the invisible presence of MJ following the arrested detective. Another technique is the presence of the cat, which can be seen to change its size. All these things work together to capture the attention of the viewer. We should say that he succeeded in this technique. Another major success that was achieved by MJ was that he left many things unsaid and left it to the intelligent viewer to decide about it. It is true in the case of short films that often the director feels it painful to leave out scenes that were difficult to shoot. But MJ has been careful to present only the bare minimum that was needed to present the story, and left the rest to the viewer’s imagination. Another great technique is the start/stop dancing technique of MJ which gained popularity with his as well as his teams support. This is what makes the video exceptional. The technique is physically very complicated and gained popularity around the world with its use by MJ. The dance stills used in the video is superb and the all compliments are due to the editor who has done wonderful job of editing the whole video to perfection. This comparatively slow number catches all the attention of the audience. Its title was actually related to another video in the same album, ‘Wanna Be Startin’ Something’, rather than any connection with the star tennis player, Billie Jean King. First of all, the solo was introduced into the album which was named ‘Thriller’. As we hear the song, we find that the other songs are fast whereas this solo could not have withstood the heavy onslaught by other numbers. But, it was Jackson’s creative genius and a deep understanding of his audience that made him confident that audience could accept this slow number. He has said earlier that he knew the song would be a hit, because he felt exhilarated after writing the lyrics. His capability to keep his audience guessing along with his inimitable dancing style has made the video wonderful. I feel that the video was created with the effort enhancing the dream lover image of Michael Jackson. With the mighty stroke of an artist he establishes himself as the lover of dreams and the same time capable of outwitting his numerous enemies. He silently accepts the love of the girl, whom he agrees to be a groupie and proves to be too slippery to fall into a trap. He has appeared in another of his albums as lover cum vampire and I would even dare to say that he was a forerunner of Stephanie Meyer, who wrote the book ‘Twilight†. He has successfully established for himself, an image of the superhuman lover, that every teenager longs for in his/her unconscious. In this video, he has further enhanced it. This should be read side by side with the lyrics â€Å"People always told me be careful of what you do And dont go around breaking young girls hearts And mother always told me be careful of who you love And be careful of what you do cause the lie becomes the truth† Thus he indirectly speaks about his enticing personality and at the same time expiates himself of any connection with the girl in question. But then, he keeps himself open to relations. The versatile genius of MJ is very clearly brought to light and he is able to project himself as the youth icon, around the world. This video is a very good example for that. He also keeps everyone guessing and glued to the screen till the end of the video. Conclusion Michael Jackson was the undisputed king of pop music. The video was a landmark in the life of MJ. His ability to touch the hearts of his viewers was once again brought to light. The video earned him many awards and made him top many charts in America as well as Europe (Michael Jackson – Billie Jean (4:51)). Works cited: Michael Jackson – Billie Jean (4:51). July 29, 2010. 2010. http://www. last. fm/music/Michael+Jackson/_/Billie+Jean

Literature Review of Gender and Stalking

Literature Review of Gender and Stalking An Introduction to Issues of Gender in Stalking Research Stalking has been the subject of empirical examination for a little over 20 years. Interest in stalking both empirical and public has increased substantially within the last decade (see Figure 1).   A PsycINFO search of the first decade of stalking research yields only 74 hits. In contrast, the year 2000 marked an upswing of serious investigation with the publication of the first special issue on stalking (Frieze Davis, 2000). There were 56 publications on stalking in 2000 alone and over 600 publications on the topic published between 2000 and 2010.   The research on stalking has examined predictors of perpetration, consequences of victimization, and public perceptions of stalking. Within each of these domains, one of the lingering questions has been: what role does gender play in stalking? Accordingly, this special issue is intended to contribute to the literature by using gender as a focus point in 1) applying new theoretical perspectives to the study of stalking perpetration (Davis, Swan, Gambone, this issue; Duntley Buss, this issue), 2) extending our knowledge of women and mens (Sheridan Lyndon, this issue; Thompson, Dennison, Stewart, this issue) stalking experiences, and 3) furthering the study of perceptions of stalking (Cass Rosay, this issue; Dunlap, Hodell, Golding, Wasarhaley, this issue; Sinclair, this issue; Yanowitz Yanowitz, this issue). To place this special issue in context of the current state of knowledge on gender and stalking, we will review the state of the current research on examining the role of gender with regard to stalking victimization, perpetration, and the lay and legal perceptions of stalking. We will conclude with a summary of how each of the articles included herein contribute to our knowledge about the role of gender in stalking research. However, it is important to start with clarifying what is meant by the term â€Å"stalking.† The model federal anti-stalking law in the US legally defines stalking as â€Å"a course of conduct directed at a specific person that involves repeated visual or physical proximity, nonconsensual communication, or verbal, written, or implied threats, or a combination thereof, that would cause a reasonable person fear† (National Criminal Justice Association Project, 1993, p. 43-44).   Legal definitions differ across US states, but they tend to have three characteristics: 1) a pattern or â€Å"course of conduct† 2) of unwanted or intrusive harassing behaviors that 3) induces fear of bodily harm or substantial emotional distress in the target (Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010). Additional terminology has been used in stalking research to discuss unwanted attention, particularly from a romantic pursuer, that does not meet the fear or â€Å"substantial† distress criteria of anti-stalking laws. Alternative labels for these unwanted behaviors engaged in during purs uit of a romantic relationship include â€Å"unwanted pursuit† (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Palarea, Cohen, Rohling, 2000), â€Å"pre-stalking† (Emerson, Ferris, Gardner, 1998), â€Å"obsessive relational intrusion† (ORI: Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2004), harassment, or unwanted â€Å"courtship persistence† (Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Whether gender differences may emerge, particularly in perpetration and victimization statistics, may depend on whether the researcher is examining â€Å"stalking† or â€Å"unwanted pursuit.†Ã‚   In fact, as will be discussed throughout this paper, much of the debate about gender differences is largely due to two variables: 1) how stalking is operationalized and 2) what sample is examined. We turn to these issues, and others, first starting with our review of the stalking victimization literature.   Note, our focus for the duration of this paper is on the dominant form of stalking; stalking that occurs within a relational context. Victims One of the questions surrounding gender differences in stalking research is whether women are more likely to be victims of stalking than men. Statistics clearly indicate that the majority of stalking cases often follows the rejection of an intimate relationship (Baum et al., 2009; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Historically, intimate aggression (e.g., domestic violence, acquaintance rape) has been perceived as synonymous with violence against women because it was believed that the majority of intimate aggression targeted women.   However, this belief that victims of intimate aggression are disproportionately female has been controversial (see Archer, 2000). Likewise, we find that the assertion that stalking victims are predominantly women is not without its controversy.   In the first US national study of stalking victimization, Tjaden and Thoennes (1998) reported that 8% of women and 1.1% of men qualify qualified as stalking victims when the definition was limited to those who are were extremely afraid. The victimization rate climbs climbed to 13% of women and 2.2% of men when somewhat afraid is was used. Thus, a gender difference was still quite apparent when fear was a criterion. In contrast, the British Crime Survey (Budd Mattinson, 2000), which did not require any experiences of fear, reported that 4% of women and 1.7% of men were victims of persistent and unwanted attention. In a more recent US national survey, Baum et al. (2009) found that more stalking victims were women than men when using the legal definition that includes victim fear. In contrast, no gender difference emerged in harassment victimization, which does not include the fear requirement. Further, all of these studies show that women are more likely to be stalked by a prior intim ate than men, who are equally likely to be stalked by acquaintances or intimates.   When focusing on unwanted pursuits, which can include stalking, in the relational contextS studies examining unwanted pursuit have to grapple with definitional issues as well as issues of sample. Studies of unwanted pursuit and ORI are primarily conducted among American college students and have often found few or small gender differences in rates of unwanted pursuit victimization. Among US college students, women and men who rejected a romantic relationship did not differ in their reports of experiencing unwanted pursuit behaviors, such as following and threats of physical assault (e.g., Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2000; Spitzberg, Nicastro, Cousins, 1998). When differences are found, they may be minimal.Overall, Spitzberg et al.s (2010) latest meta-analysis of US college students who experienced persistent pursuit found that women were 55% more likely to have been pursued than men. Comparing these statistics with national statistic s which find women 3-7 times more likely to be stalked, a difference of .55 seems minimal.   Clearly how one concludes whether someone is a victim of stalking depends not only on how one asks the question (requiring fear or not) but who one is asking (college sample vs. national sample). Yet, it seems safe to conclude that women do outnumber men when it comes to victimization rates. To Fear or Not to Fear Where consistent gender differences have been found is that women are more likely to view unwanted pursuit as threatening (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg et al., 2010). The inclusion of fear appears to decrease prevalence rates for men, as men are less likely to report fear than are women (Bjerregaard, 2000; Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Davis, Ace, Andra, 2000; Emerson et al., 1998; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).   This difference in reports of fear could be due to men actually not feeling afraid, only reporting they are not afraid, or experiencing less severe stalking behavior. It is difficult to parse the true reason. In general, men appear less willing to report fear due to socially desirable responding (Sutton Farrall, 2005) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993).   Also, Mmany male victims of stalking do not perceive any threat from their pursuers and therefore do not identify their experience as stalking (Tjaden, Thoennes, Allison, 2000; Sheridan , et al., 2002). Male victims of interpersonal violence report they are more likely to react with laughter than are women (Romito Grassi, 2007) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993). Likewise, Emerson, Ferris, and Gardners (1998) US community sample of victims revealed that men felt less vulnerable and threatened than did women. Men who do seek protection from their ex-girlfriends may experience informal social sanctions (Hall, 1998) and be treated with contempt or laughter by legal professionals (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2001). Accordingly, some have argued that the laws emphasis on fear reduces male prevalence rates (Tjaden et al., 2000) and may lead people to discount male victims who may actually need assistance from law enforcement (Baum et. al, 2009; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Emphasizing fear in stalking definitions may also affect womens reporting of intimate partner stalking. Stalking targeting women is primarily perpetrated by intimates (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), but women are paradoxically more afraid of strangers (Pain, 1996). For example, Dietz and Martin (2007) found that women were more afraid of strangers than of boyfriends. Also, Dunn (1999) demonstrated how a group of sorority women reported that they would feel anxious if a man suddenly showed up at their doorstep, but found it romantic and flattering if he showed up with flowers especially when he was . The women also felt more flattered byan ex-partner, s than byrather than a casual dates engaging in the same behaviors. Women may thus be more likely than men to minimize unwanted pursuit when it can be interpreted as romantic (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998), while men may be more dismissive in general. Frequency counts of stalking thus may not tell the whole story of stalking vi ctimization. For example, general population samples in the UK and the US (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a) find that women are victims of intimate partner stalking, while men are equally likely to be stalked by partners and acquaintances (exception: Purcell et al.s, 2001 Australian clinical sample); so while it is true that intimate partner stalking is the most prevalent type, there are somewhat differential experiences for women and men. Consequences Coping Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Stalking victims report a wide range of negative consequences, including psychological health problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, PTSD symptomotology), physical health problems (e.g., disturbances in appetite and sleep, headaches, nausea, and damage from the perpetrator), economic losses (e.g., spending money on protective efforts, lost wages, and expenses), and social losses (e.g., losing touch with friends, getting unlisted phone numbers, reducing social activities) (see Bjerregaard, 2000; Centers for Disease Control, 2003; Davis et al., 2002; Dressing, Kuehner, Gass, 2005; Kamphuis Emmelkamp, 2001; Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001). Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Of these consequences, Davis et al. (2000) found that In addition to finding that female stalking victims had a higher risk of physical and mental health problems than male victims.   Further,, once again highlighting the importance of fear, Davis et al. (2000) found that greater fear was associated with greater health problems for women, but not for men. Also, Bjerregaard (2000) found that female victims of stalking were more likely to have been physically harmed by their stalker than were male victims, and reported greater impact on their emotional health.   It may seem as if one could draw the conclusion that women suffer greater health consequences (Jordan, 2009), but this conclusion is not without its exceptions (Pimlott-Kubiak Cortina, 2003; Wigman, 2009) Stal king is also comorbid with physical, sexual, and psychological abuse female stalking victims experience (Brewster, 2003; Coleman, 1997; Jordan, Wilcox, Pritchard, 2007; Logan, Leukefeld, Walker, 2000; Mechanic, Uhlmansick, Weaver, Resick, 2000; Spitzberg Rhea, 1999; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Among battered women, Mechanic and colleagues (Mechanic et al., 2000; Mechanic et al., 2002) have found that experiencing stalking contributes to higher levels of depression, fear, and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than physical abuse alone. TRANSITION NEEDED.   Stalking victims take a variety of steps to protect themselves, including confronting the stalker (or having a third party do so), changing their home, school, or workplace, or seeking a protection order (Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Some of the most common coping tactics for stalking victims involve a passive strategy, with tactics like ignoring or otherwise minimizing the problem (college students, Amar Alexy, 2010, Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Fremouw et al., 1997; Jason, Reichler, Easton, Neal, Wilson, 1984, self-identified victims in a Dutch community Kamphpuis, Emmelkamp, Bartak, 2003). Women are more likely than men to seek help in general. In particular, women are more likely than men to seek counseling and to file a protection order (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), and to take more security precautions, including avoiding people or places (Budd Mattinson, 2000), and to confide in a close friend or family member for help (Spitzberg et al. , 1998). In their study on unwanted pursuit in US college students, Cupach and Spitzberg (2000) found that women reported more interaction (e.g., yelled at the person), and protection (e.g., called the police), and less retaliation (e.g., threatened physical harm) than men. Both genders coped using evasion (e.g., ignored them). However, while men and women had different help-seeking patterns, the differences themselves were very small (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002). In sum, gender differences emerge in more severe experiences, which usually involve a legally-defined fearful victim found in general population samples and those drawn from clinical or forensic populations (Baum, Catalano, Rand, Rose, 2009; Bjerregaard, 2000; Sheridan, Gillett, Davies, 2002 vs. Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). In contrast, studies employing college student samples that use a non-fear based definition often do not find such gender differences (Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2002). Meta-analyses have shown that clinical and forensic samples do have higher prevalence rates than student or community samples; clinical and forensic samples also reveal a stronger pattern of male perpetrators and female victims (Spitzberg, 2002; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010).   We may conclude that there are meaningful gender differences in the ex perience of stalking, but some of these differences may be minimal (Spitzberg et al., 2010). Perpetrators When it comes to examining gender differences in stalking perpetration, we are confronted with some of the same issues.   It makes a difference whether we are examining stalking or, more broadly, unwanted pursuit behaviors.   It also matters which sample is being examined.   However, gender differences in rates of perpetration seem easier to come by.   The issue of whether men stalk more than women is subject to one of the problems that drive questions of victimization: which samples we study. The issue of whether stalking is operationalized using the requirement that victims feel fear is trickier. We cant use the same standard with perpetrators, who may not be able or willing to convey whether their victim was fearful. While we may assume that aggressive stalking behaviors like vandalism, threats, and physical harm are more severe than showing up unexpectedly or repeated phone calls, the meaning and impact of these behaviors may be similar. Depending upon the context of the behavior, even excessive declarations of love may lead to probable cause for fear (Emerson et al. 1998). However, as with victimization studies, males and females in some college student samples report no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). For example, Baum et al.s (2009) found in the data from a US national US survey revealed that approximately 60% of stalkers were male, 28% were female, and the rest were unable to be identified by their victim. Overall, Spitzberg and Cupachs (2003) meta-analysis found that males make up 82% of stalkers, while females represent 18% of stalkers. HoweverIn sum, the most recent meta-analysis of stalking and unwanted pursuit found that 23.90% of men have perpetrated stalking behavior, while compared to 11.92% of women did so (Spitzberg Cupach, 2010). However, as with victimization studies, some college student surveys reveal no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). College students frequently report engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors, with up to 99% doing at least one (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Between 30 and 36% of Davis et al.s (2000) US college student sample reported engaging in one to five acts, and 7 to 10% reported six or more. The most frequent behaviors are various forms of unwanted communication and showing up at work/home/school. Aggressive pursuit behaviors are more infrequent (Davis et al., 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000). In general, unwanted pursuit perpetration in college students involves similar numbers of male and female perpetrators, while stalking among general or clinical populations is predominantl y perpetrated by men (Allen, Swan, Raghavan, 2009; Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). This pattern parallels the findings regarding dating and domestic violence perpetration. Like the pattern between unwanted pursuit and stalking, dating violence and domestic violence involve similar behaviors with differing prevalence rates, predictors of perpetration, and consequences for women and men (Archer, 2000; Bookwala, Frieze, Smith, Ryan, 1992). In this sense, less severe levels of unwanted pursuit or harassment may mirror Johnsons (1995) category of common couple violence, while more severe levels of stalking equal intimate terrorism (Johnson Ferraro, 2000). The debate of whether gender shapes the experience of IPV leads to research comparing the quantity of male and female victims and perpetrators, but also whether experiences are qualitatively different. In other words, are there gender differences in who perpetrators stalk; their choice of stalking behaviors, and their motivations? Types of Behaviors There is some evidence that women and men engage in slightly different individual stalking behaviors. In both forensic and college student samples in the US and Australia, men are more likely to make in-person contact (e.g., â€Å"approach† behavior; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000), to follow their victims or loiter (Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), and to inflict property damage (Purcell et al., 2010). Women, on the other hand, are more likely to engage in behaviors that do not confront the target face-to-face, such as making unwanted calls or leaving unwanted phone messages (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), spreading rumors, or employing others in harassing the victim (Purcell et al., 2010). These patterns are not universal, however, as Dutton and Winstead (2006)s US college student sample found that women reported more monitoring and physically hurting their targets than men. In terms of cyberstalking behaviors,. Burke, Wallen, Vail-Smith, and Knox (2011) found that US college student men were more likely than women to report experiencing and engaging in the use of spyware, photos, and cameras to monitor and pursue their partner (e.g., using GPS devices, web cams, and spyware to monitor their partner). In contrast, college student women were more likely to report excessive communication and checking behaviors (e.g., checking cell phone and e-mail histories, making excessive phone calls and e-mails, checking social networking sites, and using their partners passwords).. However, in a study on pursuit behaviors perpetrated on Facebook, Lyndon, Bonds-Raacke, and Cratty (in press) found no gender differences in US college students   in the three types of behaviors people perpetrated on Facebook to harass their ex-partner: covert provocation (20-54%; e.g., post poetry or lyrics in status updates to taunt ex-partner), venting (7-11%; e.g., write inappropriate or mean things about ex-partner on Facebook), and public harassment (3-10%; e.g., create a false Facebook profile of ex-partner). Thus far the ambiguity about whether gender differences exist in cyberpursuit appears to mirror the findings regarding unwanted pursuit behaviors for women and men, but we need more research on using technology to stalkcyberstalking, especially with perpetrators. One of the most pressing questions regarding stalking is when it might escalate into physically violent behaviors.   Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators of unwanted pursuit engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors than men (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). StillIn contrast, others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partnersEx-intimate stalkers, who are mostly male, are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, Williams, 2006; Palrea, Zona , Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, other college student samples and forensic samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). HoweverFor example, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Specifically, both male and female stalkers can turn violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002).   Evidently, more research is needed to sort out whether gender is a useful predictor of extreme stalking and violence. Motivations and Violence While there are some differences in how men and women pursue, there also may be some differences in their motivations for doing so. Victims in general population studies often attribute the stalkers motivation to attempts to keep them in a relationship, as well as a desire to control the them (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Mullen and colleagues (1999) have classified their samples of clinical and forensic stalkers in Australia into five motivation groups: rejected, intimacy-seeker, incompetent suitor, resentful, and predatory types, but have not found consistent gender differences between the groups. Stalking behaviors appear to be motivated most commonly by intimacy (e.g., a desire for reconciliation and feelings of love), with the second most common motive being aggression retaliation (e.g., a desire for revenge; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). In fact, perpetrators often report both motives for reconciliation of a relationship and for revenge (Mullen, Pathà ©, Purcel l, Stuart, 1999; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). These Cclinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Gender differences in motivations for stalking have been noted in juvenile forensic samples. Juvenile female stalkers more likely to be motivated by bullying and retaliation whereas juvenile male stalkers were have been found to be motivated more by rejection and sexual predation (Purcell et al., 2010).   In a 2001 study of adult stalkers in Australia, Purcell and colleagues found that women were more likely to target professional acquaintances and less likely to target strangers than men. Nonetheless, the majority of female stalkers were still clearly motivated by the desire to establish intimacy with their target, whereas mens motivations were diverse, spreading across the five categories. Likewise, in Meloys (2003) study of 82 female stalkers from the US, Canada, and Australia, he found the female stalkers were more likely to be motivated by a desire to establish intimacy, whereas men were known to stalk to restore intimacy. Ultimately, Tthere is a large gap in stalking motivati on research, particularly using non-forensic samples.   Clinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). Still others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partners are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, William s, 2006; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Single surveys of Ccollege student samples ofabout unwanted pursuit and obsessive relational intrusion are the least likely to find fewgender differences in perpetration rates. However, meta-analyses and US and UK general population studies find that men are more likely to be stalking perpetrators than women, regardless of the victims gender (Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).While the size of this gender difference varies, it is consistent across methodologies (Spitzberg Cupach, 2003). There are some gender differences in the types of stalking and cyberstalking perpetrationbehaviors e.g., men being more direct and women more indirect and in pursuers motives women being predominantly motivated by intimacy-seeking and men having a broader array of motives. However, we need more research on perpetration to better understand if gender is an important predictor to consider, especially with regard to the likelihood of escalation.   w ith a variety of samples and with better means of differentiating unwanted pursuit from stalking. Perceptions of stalking As attention to the problem of stalking has increased, so has public opinion been shaped.   However, there is not a true consensus in these opinions. Rather, people vary in how much they understand about stalking.   It can be unclear when the line between   normal relational pursuit and stalking is crossed (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998; Sinclair Frieze, 2000, 2005). Perceptions can also diverge regarding multiple issues including: 1) which behaviors qualify as stalking, 2) how many behavior are enough to represent a â€Å"course of conduct,† 3) is stalking really serious, 4) what   perpetrator intent may have been, 5) whether and how we should incorporate victim fear levels to judge stalking severity, and 6) what is â€Å"real† stalking (e.g., stranger vs. acquaintance stalking). Within each of these issues, gender may influence the perceptions people hold, both lay persons and legal decision-makers. Stalking in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Perceiver Gender The literature is still mixed as to whether men and women differ in judgments to use a label of stalking. Some researchers report that men and women do not differ in terms of which behaviors qualify as stalking (e.g., Kinkade, Burns, Fuentes, 2005; Phillips et al., 2004, in Experiment 1; Sheridan Davies, 2001; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Sheridan et al., 2002; Sheridan, Gillet, Davies, Blaauw, Patel, 2003). Others have found Literature Review of Gender and Stalking Literature Review of Gender and Stalking An Introduction to Issues of Gender in Stalking Research Stalking has been the subject of empirical examination for a little over 20 years. Interest in stalking both empirical and public has increased substantially within the last decade (see Figure 1).   A PsycINFO search of the first decade of stalking research yields only 74 hits. In contrast, the year 2000 marked an upswing of serious investigation with the publication of the first special issue on stalking (Frieze Davis, 2000). There were 56 publications on stalking in 2000 alone and over 600 publications on the topic published between 2000 and 2010.   The research on stalking has examined predictors of perpetration, consequences of victimization, and public perceptions of stalking. Within each of these domains, one of the lingering questions has been: what role does gender play in stalking? Accordingly, this special issue is intended to contribute to the literature by using gender as a focus point in 1) applying new theoretical perspectives to the study of stalking perpetration (Davis, Swan, Gambone, this issue; Duntley Buss, this issue), 2) extending our knowledge of women and mens (Sheridan Lyndon, this issue; Thompson, Dennison, Stewart, this issue) stalking experiences, and 3) furthering the study of perceptions of stalking (Cass Rosay, this issue; Dunlap, Hodell, Golding, Wasarhaley, this issue; Sinclair, this issue; Yanowitz Yanowitz, this issue). To place this special issue in context of the current state of knowledge on gender and stalking, we will review the state of the current research on examining the role of gender with regard to stalking victimization, perpetration, and the lay and legal perceptions of stalking. We will conclude with a summary of how each of the articles included herein contribute to our knowledge about the role of gender in stalking research. However, it is important to start with clarifying what is meant by the term â€Å"stalking.† The model federal anti-stalking law in the US legally defines stalking as â€Å"a course of conduct directed at a specific person that involves repeated visual or physical proximity, nonconsensual communication, or verbal, written, or implied threats, or a combination thereof, that would cause a reasonable person fear† (National Criminal Justice Association Project, 1993, p. 43-44).   Legal definitions differ across US states, but they tend to have three characteristics: 1) a pattern or â€Å"course of conduct† 2) of unwanted or intrusive harassing behaviors that 3) induces fear of bodily harm or substantial emotional distress in the target (Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010). Additional terminology has been used in stalking research to discuss unwanted attention, particularly from a romantic pursuer, that does not meet the fear or â€Å"substantial† distress criteria of anti-stalking laws. Alternative labels for these unwanted behaviors engaged in during purs uit of a romantic relationship include â€Å"unwanted pursuit† (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Palarea, Cohen, Rohling, 2000), â€Å"pre-stalking† (Emerson, Ferris, Gardner, 1998), â€Å"obsessive relational intrusion† (ORI: Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2004), harassment, or unwanted â€Å"courtship persistence† (Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Whether gender differences may emerge, particularly in perpetration and victimization statistics, may depend on whether the researcher is examining â€Å"stalking† or â€Å"unwanted pursuit.†Ã‚   In fact, as will be discussed throughout this paper, much of the debate about gender differences is largely due to two variables: 1) how stalking is operationalized and 2) what sample is examined. We turn to these issues, and others, first starting with our review of the stalking victimization literature.   Note, our focus for the duration of this paper is on the dominant form of stalking; stalking that occurs within a relational context. Victims One of the questions surrounding gender differences in stalking research is whether women are more likely to be victims of stalking than men. Statistics clearly indicate that the majority of stalking cases often follows the rejection of an intimate relationship (Baum et al., 2009; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Historically, intimate aggression (e.g., domestic violence, acquaintance rape) has been perceived as synonymous with violence against women because it was believed that the majority of intimate aggression targeted women.   However, this belief that victims of intimate aggression are disproportionately female has been controversial (see Archer, 2000). Likewise, we find that the assertion that stalking victims are predominantly women is not without its controversy.   In the first US national study of stalking victimization, Tjaden and Thoennes (1998) reported that 8% of women and 1.1% of men qualify qualified as stalking victims when the definition was limited to those who are were extremely afraid. The victimization rate climbs climbed to 13% of women and 2.2% of men when somewhat afraid is was used. Thus, a gender difference was still quite apparent when fear was a criterion. In contrast, the British Crime Survey (Budd Mattinson, 2000), which did not require any experiences of fear, reported that 4% of women and 1.7% of men were victims of persistent and unwanted attention. In a more recent US national survey, Baum et al. (2009) found that more stalking victims were women than men when using the legal definition that includes victim fear. In contrast, no gender difference emerged in harassment victimization, which does not include the fear requirement. Further, all of these studies show that women are more likely to be stalked by a prior intim ate than men, who are equally likely to be stalked by acquaintances or intimates.   When focusing on unwanted pursuits, which can include stalking, in the relational contextS studies examining unwanted pursuit have to grapple with definitional issues as well as issues of sample. Studies of unwanted pursuit and ORI are primarily conducted among American college students and have often found few or small gender differences in rates of unwanted pursuit victimization. Among US college students, women and men who rejected a romantic relationship did not differ in their reports of experiencing unwanted pursuit behaviors, such as following and threats of physical assault (e.g., Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2000; Spitzberg, Nicastro, Cousins, 1998). When differences are found, they may be minimal.Overall, Spitzberg et al.s (2010) latest meta-analysis of US college students who experienced persistent pursuit found that women were 55% more likely to have been pursued than men. Comparing these statistics with national statistic s which find women 3-7 times more likely to be stalked, a difference of .55 seems minimal.   Clearly how one concludes whether someone is a victim of stalking depends not only on how one asks the question (requiring fear or not) but who one is asking (college sample vs. national sample). Yet, it seems safe to conclude that women do outnumber men when it comes to victimization rates. To Fear or Not to Fear Where consistent gender differences have been found is that women are more likely to view unwanted pursuit as threatening (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg et al., 2010). The inclusion of fear appears to decrease prevalence rates for men, as men are less likely to report fear than are women (Bjerregaard, 2000; Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Davis, Ace, Andra, 2000; Emerson et al., 1998; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).   This difference in reports of fear could be due to men actually not feeling afraid, only reporting they are not afraid, or experiencing less severe stalking behavior. It is difficult to parse the true reason. In general, men appear less willing to report fear due to socially desirable responding (Sutton Farrall, 2005) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993).   Also, Mmany male victims of stalking do not perceive any threat from their pursuers and therefore do not identify their experience as stalking (Tjaden, Thoennes, Allison, 2000; Sheridan , et al., 2002). Male victims of interpersonal violence report they are more likely to react with laughter than are women (Romito Grassi, 2007) and men discount their risk of victimization (Stanko Hobdell, 1993). Likewise, Emerson, Ferris, and Gardners (1998) US community sample of victims revealed that men felt less vulnerable and threatened than did women. Men who do seek protection from their ex-girlfriends may experience informal social sanctions (Hall, 1998) and be treated with contempt or laughter by legal professionals (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2001). Accordingly, some have argued that the laws emphasis on fear reduces male prevalence rates (Tjaden et al., 2000) and may lead people to discount male victims who may actually need assistance from law enforcement (Baum et. al, 2009; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Emphasizing fear in stalking definitions may also affect womens reporting of intimate partner stalking. Stalking targeting women is primarily perpetrated by intimates (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), but women are paradoxically more afraid of strangers (Pain, 1996). For example, Dietz and Martin (2007) found that women were more afraid of strangers than of boyfriends. Also, Dunn (1999) demonstrated how a group of sorority women reported that they would feel anxious if a man suddenly showed up at their doorstep, but found it romantic and flattering if he showed up with flowers especially when he was . The women also felt more flattered byan ex-partner, s than byrather than a casual dates engaging in the same behaviors. Women may thus be more likely than men to minimize unwanted pursuit when it can be interpreted as romantic (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998), while men may be more dismissive in general. Frequency counts of stalking thus may not tell the whole story of stalking vi ctimization. For example, general population samples in the UK and the US (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a) find that women are victims of intimate partner stalking, while men are equally likely to be stalked by partners and acquaintances (exception: Purcell et al.s, 2001 Australian clinical sample); so while it is true that intimate partner stalking is the most prevalent type, there are somewhat differential experiences for women and men. Consequences Coping Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Stalking victims report a wide range of negative consequences, including psychological health problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, PTSD symptomotology), physical health problems (e.g., disturbances in appetite and sleep, headaches, nausea, and damage from the perpetrator), economic losses (e.g., spending money on protective efforts, lost wages, and expenses), and social losses (e.g., losing touch with friends, getting unlisted phone numbers, reducing social activities) (see Bjerregaard, 2000; Centers for Disease Control, 2003; Davis et al., 2002; Dressing, Kuehner, Gass, 2005; Kamphuis Emmelkamp, 2001; Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001). Even if it is the case that men and women may be targeted in equal numbers by unwanted pursuit behaviors (Bjerregaard, 2000; Haugaard Seri, 2004; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Spitzberg et al., 1998), there are differences in the impact of that unwanted attention. Of these consequences, Davis et al. (2000) found that In addition to finding that female stalking victims had a higher risk of physical and mental health problems than male victims.   Further,, once again highlighting the importance of fear, Davis et al. (2000) found that greater fear was associated with greater health problems for women, but not for men. Also, Bjerregaard (2000) found that female victims of stalking were more likely to have been physically harmed by their stalker than were male victims, and reported greater impact on their emotional health.   It may seem as if one could draw the conclusion that women suffer greater health consequences (Jordan, 2009), but this conclusion is not without its exceptions (Pimlott-Kubiak Cortina, 2003; Wigman, 2009) Stal king is also comorbid with physical, sexual, and psychological abuse female stalking victims experience (Brewster, 2003; Coleman, 1997; Jordan, Wilcox, Pritchard, 2007; Logan, Leukefeld, Walker, 2000; Mechanic, Uhlmansick, Weaver, Resick, 2000; Spitzberg Rhea, 1999; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). Among battered women, Mechanic and colleagues (Mechanic et al., 2000; Mechanic et al., 2002) have found that experiencing stalking contributes to higher levels of depression, fear, and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than physical abuse alone. TRANSITION NEEDED.   Stalking victims take a variety of steps to protect themselves, including confronting the stalker (or having a third party do so), changing their home, school, or workplace, or seeking a protection order (Pathà © Mullen, 1997; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Some of the most common coping tactics for stalking victims involve a passive strategy, with tactics like ignoring or otherwise minimizing the problem (college students, Amar Alexy, 2010, Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Fremouw et al., 1997; Jason, Reichler, Easton, Neal, Wilson, 1984, self-identified victims in a Dutch community Kamphpuis, Emmelkamp, Bartak, 2003). Women are more likely than men to seek help in general. In particular, women are more likely than men to seek counseling and to file a protection order (Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a), and to take more security precautions, including avoiding people or places (Budd Mattinson, 2000), and to confide in a close friend or family member for help (Spitzberg et al. , 1998). In their study on unwanted pursuit in US college students, Cupach and Spitzberg (2000) found that women reported more interaction (e.g., yelled at the person), and protection (e.g., called the police), and less retaliation (e.g., threatened physical harm) than men. Both genders coped using evasion (e.g., ignored them). However, while men and women had different help-seeking patterns, the differences themselves were very small (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002). In sum, gender differences emerge in more severe experiences, which usually involve a legally-defined fearful victim found in general population samples and those drawn from clinical or forensic populations (Baum, Catalano, Rand, Rose, 2009; Bjerregaard, 2000; Sheridan, Gillett, Davies, 2002 vs. Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998). In contrast, studies employing college student samples that use a non-fear based definition often do not find such gender differences (Cupach Spitzberg, 1998, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Phillips et al., 2004; Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2002). Meta-analyses have shown that clinical and forensic samples do have higher prevalence rates than student or community samples; clinical and forensic samples also reveal a stronger pattern of male perpetrators and female victims (Spitzberg, 2002; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Spitzberg, Cupach, Ciceraro, 2010).   We may conclude that there are meaningful gender differences in the ex perience of stalking, but some of these differences may be minimal (Spitzberg et al., 2010). Perpetrators When it comes to examining gender differences in stalking perpetration, we are confronted with some of the same issues.   It makes a difference whether we are examining stalking or, more broadly, unwanted pursuit behaviors.   It also matters which sample is being examined.   However, gender differences in rates of perpetration seem easier to come by.   The issue of whether men stalk more than women is subject to one of the problems that drive questions of victimization: which samples we study. The issue of whether stalking is operationalized using the requirement that victims feel fear is trickier. We cant use the same standard with perpetrators, who may not be able or willing to convey whether their victim was fearful. While we may assume that aggressive stalking behaviors like vandalism, threats, and physical harm are more severe than showing up unexpectedly or repeated phone calls, the meaning and impact of these behaviors may be similar. Depending upon the context of the behavior, even excessive declarations of love may lead to probable cause for fear (Emerson et al. 1998). However, as with victimization studies, males and females in some college student samples report no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). For example, Baum et al.s (2009) found in the data from a US national US survey revealed that approximately 60% of stalkers were male, 28% were female, and the rest were unable to be identified by their victim. Overall, Spitzberg and Cupachs (2003) meta-analysis found that males make up 82% of stalkers, while females represent 18% of stalkers. HoweverIn sum, the most recent meta-analysis of stalking and unwanted pursuit found that 23.90% of men have perpetrated stalking behavior, while compared to 11.92% of women did so (Spitzberg Cupach, 2010). However, as with victimization studies, some college student surveys reveal no gender differences in engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors toward an intimate partner (Cupach Spitzberg, 2000; Dutton Winstead, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). College students frequently report engaging in unwanted pursuit behaviors, with up to 99% doing at least one (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000). Between 30 and 36% of Davis et al.s (2000) US college student sample reported engaging in one to five acts, and 7 to 10% reported six or more. The most frequent behaviors are various forms of unwanted communication and showing up at work/home/school. Aggressive pursuit behaviors are more infrequent (Davis et al., 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000). In general, unwanted pursuit perpetration in college students involves similar numbers of male and female perpetrators, while stalking among general or clinical populations is predominantl y perpetrated by men (Allen, Swan, Raghavan, 2009; Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). This pattern parallels the findings regarding dating and domestic violence perpetration. Like the pattern between unwanted pursuit and stalking, dating violence and domestic violence involve similar behaviors with differing prevalence rates, predictors of perpetration, and consequences for women and men (Archer, 2000; Bookwala, Frieze, Smith, Ryan, 1992). In this sense, less severe levels of unwanted pursuit or harassment may mirror Johnsons (1995) category of common couple violence, while more severe levels of stalking equal intimate terrorism (Johnson Ferraro, 2000). The debate of whether gender shapes the experience of IPV leads to research comparing the quantity of male and female victims and perpetrators, but also whether experiences are qualitatively different. In other words, are there gender differences in who perpetrators stalk; their choice of stalking behaviors, and their motivations? Types of Behaviors There is some evidence that women and men engage in slightly different individual stalking behaviors. In both forensic and college student samples in the US and Australia, men are more likely to make in-person contact (e.g., â€Å"approach† behavior; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Sinclair Frieze, 2000), to follow their victims or loiter (Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), and to inflict property damage (Purcell et al., 2010). Women, on the other hand, are more likely to engage in behaviors that do not confront the target face-to-face, such as making unwanted calls or leaving unwanted phone messages (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000; Purcell et al., 2001; Purcell et al., 2010), spreading rumors, or employing others in harassing the victim (Purcell et al., 2010). These patterns are not universal, however, as Dutton and Winstead (2006)s US college student sample found that women reported more monitoring and physically hurting their targets than men. In terms of cyberstalking behaviors,. Burke, Wallen, Vail-Smith, and Knox (2011) found that US college student men were more likely than women to report experiencing and engaging in the use of spyware, photos, and cameras to monitor and pursue their partner (e.g., using GPS devices, web cams, and spyware to monitor their partner). In contrast, college student women were more likely to report excessive communication and checking behaviors (e.g., checking cell phone and e-mail histories, making excessive phone calls and e-mails, checking social networking sites, and using their partners passwords).. However, in a study on pursuit behaviors perpetrated on Facebook, Lyndon, Bonds-Raacke, and Cratty (in press) found no gender differences in US college students   in the three types of behaviors people perpetrated on Facebook to harass their ex-partner: covert provocation (20-54%; e.g., post poetry or lyrics in status updates to taunt ex-partner), venting (7-11%; e.g., write inappropriate or mean things about ex-partner on Facebook), and public harassment (3-10%; e.g., create a false Facebook profile of ex-partner). Thus far the ambiguity about whether gender differences exist in cyberpursuit appears to mirror the findings regarding unwanted pursuit behaviors for women and men, but we need more research on using technology to stalkcyberstalking, especially with perpetrators. One of the most pressing questions regarding stalking is when it might escalate into physically violent behaviors.   Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators of unwanted pursuit engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors than men (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). StillIn contrast, others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partnersEx-intimate stalkers, who are mostly male, are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, Williams, 2006; Palrea, Zona , Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, other college student samples and forensic samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). HoweverFor example, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Specifically, both male and female stalkers can turn violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002).   Evidently, more research is needed to sort out whether gender is a useful predictor of extreme stalking and violence. Motivations and Violence While there are some differences in how men and women pursue, there also may be some differences in their motivations for doing so. Victims in general population studies often attribute the stalkers motivation to attempts to keep them in a relationship, as well as a desire to control the them (Budd Mattinson, 2000; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a). Mullen and colleagues (1999) have classified their samples of clinical and forensic stalkers in Australia into five motivation groups: rejected, intimacy-seeker, incompetent suitor, resentful, and predatory types, but have not found consistent gender differences between the groups. Stalking behaviors appear to be motivated most commonly by intimacy (e.g., a desire for reconciliation and feelings of love), with the second most common motive being aggression retaliation (e.g., a desire for revenge; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). In fact, perpetrators often report both motives for reconciliation of a relationship and for revenge (Mullen, Pathà ©, Purcel l, Stuart, 1999; Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). These Cclinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Gender differences in motivations for stalking have been noted in juvenile forensic samples. Juvenile female stalkers more likely to be motivated by bullying and retaliation whereas juvenile male stalkers were have been found to be motivated more by rejection and sexual predation (Purcell et al., 2010).   In a 2001 study of adult stalkers in Australia, Purcell and colleagues found that women were more likely to target professional acquaintances and less likely to target strangers than men. Nonetheless, the majority of female stalkers were still clearly motivated by the desire to establish intimacy with their target, whereas mens motivations were diverse, spreading across the five categories. Likewise, in Meloys (2003) study of 82 female stalkers from the US, Canada, and Australia, he found the female stalkers were more likely to be motivated by a desire to establish intimacy, whereas men were known to stalk to restore intimacy. Ultimately, Tthere is a large gap in stalking motivati on research, particularly using non-forensic samples.   Clinical/forensic rejected stalkers who are motivated by a mix of reconciliation and revenge needs have a higher likelihood of assaulting their victims than other motivation groups (Mullen et al., 2006). Both male and female stalkers are more likely to be violent if they are an ex-intimate, are younger than 30 years of age, have less than a high school education, and have made prior threats (Rosenfeld Harmon, 2002). Other predictors of stalking-related violence include prior criminal convictions (Mullen et al., 1999; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999). Most stalkers, however, are not violent (Purcell, Pathà ©, Mullen, 2004; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a); half of all stalking cases involve a threat and just under a third of all stalking cases involve physical violence. Evidence is mixed as to whether there are gender differences in those who are likely to become violent. Some research using US college student samples suggest that female unwanted pursuit perpetrators engage in more mild aggressive stalking behaviors (Dutton Winstead, 2006; Williams Frieze, 2005). However, other college student samples reveal no gender differences in perpetration of   stalking violence (Haugaard Seri, 2004; Sinclair Frieze, 2002). Still others find that men are more likely than women to threaten their victims (Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al., 2000) and to escalate from threats to physical assaults, as reported in both Australian forensic samples (Purcell et al., 2001) and meta-analyses (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007). Former romantic partners are the most violent compared to other categories of stalkers, a pattern that is consistent across culture and sample type (McEwan, Mullen, MacKenzie, Ogloff, 2009; Meloy, Davis, Lovette, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, William s, 2006; Palrea, Zona, Lane, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Sheridan, Blaauw, Davies, 2003; Sheridan Davies, 2001). Given that men are more likely to stalk ex-intimate partners than women (Spitzberg Cupach, 2007; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998), it seems that we should find more male-perpetrated stalking violence. However, current evidence with forensic samples shows no gender differences in actual stalking cases regarding stalker lethality (Mullen et al., 1999; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld Lewis, 2005).   Single surveys of Ccollege student samples ofabout unwanted pursuit and obsessive relational intrusion are the least likely to find fewgender differences in perpetration rates. However, meta-analyses and US and UK general population studies find that men are more likely to be stalking perpetrators than women, regardless of the victims gender (Baum et al., 2009; Budd Mattinson, 2000; Spitzberg, 2002; Tjaden Thoennes, 1998a).While the size of this gender difference varies, it is consistent across methodologies (Spitzberg Cupach, 2003). There are some gender differences in the types of stalking and cyberstalking perpetrationbehaviors e.g., men being more direct and women more indirect and in pursuers motives women being predominantly motivated by intimacy-seeking and men having a broader array of motives. However, we need more research on perpetration to better understand if gender is an important predictor to consider, especially with regard to the likelihood of escalation.   w ith a variety of samples and with better means of differentiating unwanted pursuit from stalking. Perceptions of stalking As attention to the problem of stalking has increased, so has public opinion been shaped.   However, there is not a true consensus in these opinions. Rather, people vary in how much they understand about stalking.   It can be unclear when the line between   normal relational pursuit and stalking is crossed (Dunn, 1999; Emerson et al., 1998; Lee, 1998; Sinclair Frieze, 2000, 2005). Perceptions can also diverge regarding multiple issues including: 1) which behaviors qualify as stalking, 2) how many behavior are enough to represent a â€Å"course of conduct,† 3) is stalking really serious, 4) what   perpetrator intent may have been, 5) whether and how we should incorporate victim fear levels to judge stalking severity, and 6) what is â€Å"real† stalking (e.g., stranger vs. acquaintance stalking). Within each of these issues, gender may influence the perceptions people hold, both lay persons and legal decision-makers. Stalking in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Perceiver Gender The literature is still mixed as to whether men and women differ in judgments to use a label of stalking. Some researchers report that men and women do not differ in terms of which behaviors qualify as stalking (e.g., Kinkade, Burns, Fuentes, 2005; Phillips et al., 2004, in Experiment 1; Sheridan Davies, 2001; Sheridan, Davies, Boon, 2001; Sheridan et al., 2002; Sheridan, Gillet, Davies, Blaauw, Patel, 2003). Others have found